Sally D’Angelo

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His appointment to the South African Research Chair SARCHi in Social Change, funded through the NRF and the Department of Science and Technology, provided a setting for the consolidation of his research and to cement national and international partnerships.

We have all spent substantial time at the ICGC. Leslie Witz was Andrew W. Mellon Research Chair at the ICGC in a position that was jointly based at the CHR at UWC, while Ciraj Rassool was a Mellon Research Fellow and Minkley a regular visiting scholar.

Leslie Witz was Senior Fellow at the Rutgers Centre for Historical Analysis, while Rassool was Fellow at Morphomata Institute for Advanced Studies at the University of Cologne as this manuscript was finalised.

We wish to single out and acknowledge our enormous debt to CSPS at Emory University and its codirectors between and , Cory Kratz and the late Ivan Karp.

Cory and Ivan were committed to our scholarship, and this book in particular, generously taking an enormous amount of time to read our work, offer advice, and pose probing, difficult questions.

They made us pause, reflect on our own ideas, develop them, and go in directions that we had not thought of previously. The CSPS and the Institutions of Public Culture Programme it ran with public institutions in South Africa, generously funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, was the testing ground and support base for this book.

Each of us spent a semester of sabbatical time at Emory as Rockefeller Fellows. We dedicate this book to our special friends, colleagues, and mentors Cory Kratz and Ivan Karp.

As this book finally came together in , there were several important contributions that shaped the project and made it a reality.

Most importantly, University of Michigan Press and the African Perspectives series editors, Kelly Askew and Anne Pitcher, decided to give this book their full backing.

We are very grateful to them for bringing us on board, their encouragement, and their constant attentiveness to the details of publication that followed.

Our special thanks to Ellen Bauerle, executive editor at the press and acquisitions editor for African Studies, who commissioned the work; Susan Cronin, editorial associate, who was our project manager; the copyeditor; and Mary Hashman our production editor.

We are also indebted to the insights and comments of the two anonymous reviewers of this book in the peer-review process facilitated by University of Michigan Press.

Candice Steele at the University of Fort Hare went through our sometimes unwieldy footnotes and compiled a reference list for us to develop.

Joanne Grace assisted us with locating many of the newspaper references. Throughout the process of writing the book we had talked about the inclusion of photographs, which ones to select, and how they would be incorporated.

This was always going to be a key ingredient of the book, and from the outset the University of Michigan Press agreed with us.

Our original idea was to make use of own photographic archive that we have assembled over the years. It is extensive but really more of an inventory than a carefully thought through creative visual engagement.

We felt that these photographs were inadequate to the task of this book and decided to commission new ones. We hoped this would bring into view both the sites that we refer to in the text and a conceptual engagement with public history.

This was a difficult brief that Paul Grendon accepted with enthusiasm and critical imagination. The photographs that we have finally selected from what is now a fascinating body of work are deserving of publication on their own.

They are not merely representative illustrations of the content but rather aesthetic histories that visually articulate with publics and pasts.

We appreciate their sensitivity and willingness to contribute to this project and are excited by the further dimensions they have brought to it.

Over the years, our research has been made possible through the generosity of various funders. We are grateful to the NRF for funding through the various focus area projects, its rated scholars program, and the support given to the SARCHi Chair in Social Change at Fort Hare.

The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation funds the partnership between the CHR, UWC, and ICGC, University of Minnesota.

In addition, we are grateful to the Office of the Deputy Vice Chancellor at UWC, which provided funds for public history and heritage research.

The Department of Arts and Culture, South Africa also provided a grant for a research project on human remains and museum transformation.

Finally, we are grateful to the University of the Western Cape for making research funds available through the Faculty of Arts.

We are grateful to a range of publishers and editors for granting us permission to republish articles either in full or in part.

The relevant articles and publishers are as follows: Leslie Witz, Gary Minkley, and Ciraj Rassool. Reprinted with permission of Cambridge University Press.

Leslie Witz, Ciraj Rassool, and Gary Minkley. Reprinted with permission of Daedalus and MIT Press.

Gary Minkley and Ciraj Rassool. Reprinted with permission of Kronos, University of the Western Cape. Nuttall and C. Coetzee ed. Reprinted with permission of Sarah Nuttall and Carli Coetzee.

We also express our gratitude to the UWC Robben Island Mayibuye Archives for permission to reproduce the Leon Levson photographs and posters.

Finally, a special thanks to our partners and our families. Josi, Patricia, and Cheryl, you have made this work possible through your support, encouragement, and putting up with our whims and foibles for many, many years.

The way its stories are told and the way they are heard changes as the years go by. The spotlight gyrates, exposing old lies and illuminating new truths.

As a fuller picture emerges, a new piece of the jigsaw puzzle of our past settles into place. Inevitably, evidence and information about our past will continue to emerge, as indeed they must.

They must be opened. They must be cleansed. And balm must be poured on them so they can heal. This is not to be obsessed with the past.

It is to take care that the past is properly dealt with for the sake of the future. In our case, dealing with the past means knowing what happened.

Who ordered that this person should be killed? Why did this gross violation of human rights take place?

We also need to know about the past so that we can renew our resolve and commitment that never again will such violations take place.

We now know what happened to Steve Biko, to the PEBCO Three, to the Cradock Four. We now know who ordered the Church Street bomb attack and who was responsible for the St James Church massacre.

We have been able to exhume the remains of about 50 activists who were abducted, killed and buried secretly. I recall so vividly how at one of our hearings a mother cried out plaintively.

In addition they function as a broad statement of the philosophical principles under which the commission operated.

It facilitates the project of constructing a postapartheid South African nation through uncovering a past of repression that was based upon notions of racial separation.

Once revealed and repackaged as a consensual national past, burying it and laying it to rest in the prospect of a racial harmony, the past is then consigned to history.

From the early s they characterized the different ways that history was envisaged and fashioned as part of a South African nation that was undergoing an experience that was characterized by the government and the media as one of rebirth.

On one level it is possible to draw attention to different sites where history was seen as either decreasing, such as in schools and universities, or else proliferating in quantitative terms, as in museums and memorial sites.

But the opening and closure also refers to the content and meaning of events past. The broadening of democracy in South African society in the s allowed for new and different questions to be asked about history, for diverse materials to be made available, for a multiplicity of interpretations to be offered, and for varied notions of history to emerge.

Yet, there were always checks in place, especially with the postapartheid state attempting to ensure that history served the broad interests of cohesiveness and nation-making.

This is a book that is situated between history opening and closing, appearing and disappearing, being exhumed and then reburied.

It tells stories of experiments in history-making in South Africa since the s, of history across a variety of genres, of coalescing and competing discourses, of envisaging new and different publics, and of attempting simultaneously to make sense of and participate in the production of history in the public domain.

It is a book about history-making in the interstices of revelation and consignation. Entrance to Victor Verster Prison Groot Drakenstein , 2 February Photo: Paul Grendon.

Settled History February was a significant time both for the production of history and history-making in South Africa.

Set in the industrializing world derived from the goldfields of the Witwatersrand, social historians were urged to uncover, and indeed found, hidden histories of domestic workers, criminal gangs, mine workers, factory workers, and sharecroppers, all potential bearers of resistance to the forms of the capitalist state.

At the same time, the History Workshop was firmly situated within the guild and claimed its independence through its commitment to history as a rigorous pursuit, which required training in research methodologies and writings of the profession.

They pointed to inadequacies of the practice of making academic history available in popular and accessible form. Although we were in some measure in accord with the objectives of the History Workshop particularly in the employment of oral history methodology and the historical materialist framework , there were intonations that we were questioning its underlying assumptions.

Instead of presenting history as the domain of professional historians whose work is made available for popularization, our argument is that there are a range of historical genres and producers of history, who cohere and compete with each other in the making of history in a variety of different ways.

One such living room was in a small tin house in Brixton, Johannesburg, which had, in , been officially proclaimed a national monument.

In this house a small group including Leslie Witz and Ciraj Rassool gathered around the television screen to catch a glimpse of an enigma, virtually unseen for twenty-seven years.

It was the media event that was interrupting and competing with the writing of history in demarcating the contents of collective memory.

They were not disappointed. Marked by exclusions and prejudice under apartheid, the release of Mandela was presented as the opportunity for history to be reconstructed on a vast scale.

New archives would be uncovered, a plethora of books would be published, curriculums would be revised, and new interpretations would take hold that drew upon this imminent expansion.

But Nelson Mandela did not merely leave Victor Verster prison into a new South Africa and a new past.

Popular History and Public History Questions of knowledge, politics, and the production of history have been at issue in South Africa for some time.

Initially, engagements of historians in the public domain in South Africa were conditioned by a notion of popularization.

Official platforms of distribution were circumscribed under the apartheid state, and popular history lessons hardly found their way into schools, museums, television, or bookshops, let alone other arenas of public or civil society.

This was most clearly articulated in a general suspicion of the category of heritage after for its seeming association with a single authoritative, largely national past and its alignment with commercial interests.

These processes are all contested and debated and have different expressions and emphases at different times.

This, it is argued, is because the work of public historians is around how to make history comprehensible to nonacademic audiences in a variety of settings, such as museums, the media, and government.

Significantly, though, much of this discussion around public history is about what constitutes a reflective, reflexive and responsive practice of history.

Public history is always situational and frequently messy; the case-by-case particulars of reflective practice, reflection-in-action, shared inquiry, and shared authority emerge out of experimental give-andtake.

What is authoritative is a series of dichotomies and distinctions that are not only problematic but return public history in the United States back to the particular spaces of popularization outlined above for South Africa.

Popularization justifies and legitimates expert knowledge about the past and transcends any talk of, or engagement with, shared authority or the possibilities of twin histories.

Detachment, distance, independence, and profession substitute for public practice and engagement, or even recognition of plural pasts and multiple competing histories of the citizen and the subject.

The fragmentary histories that were emerging in these projects were often unable to adhere to these requirements and articulate the wider social or national context demanded of them.

The discourse of rigor was unable to recognize the complexities of language and forms of history telling that project participants brought to the educational settings.

What then do we mean by public history, and how is it distinct from projects of popularizing history and public history practices in the United States?

It is precisely because of the possibilities of contestation in the public domain that academics need to engage with this field.

But it is not as self-proclaimed, unreflexive experts in the study and presentation of the past that we make these engagements. Public inscriptions of and upon the landscape of the South African past are actually means of producing history.

Instead of making distinctions between heritage and history one needs to start considering the different ways that pastness is framed and claimed as history in its own right.

Secondly, we would insist that the pasts that are produced in the public sphere are often the result of negotiations and conflicts between opposing groups over its constituent elements, what events and personalities should be included and excluded and how they should be represented.

Perhaps even more than history that is produced within the academy, public pasts are debated, criticized, and contested by a wide range of individuals and interest groups.

These contests over the framing of the past in the public sphere we refer to as public history. To analyze and understand these contests over the presentations of pastness in museums, heritage sites, memorials, exhibitions, festivals, and tourist routes, one must not see them as prior to history, nor as after history, but rather as historical practices within different genres characterized by different sociologies and modalities of historical production.

We also draw on the methodologies of David William Cohen, sometimes with his collaborator, E. Atieno Odhiambo, much of it framed around the production of history in postcolonial Kenya.

In undertaking these histories of public pasts from the vantage point of critical public history it is not just the textuality but also the visuality of their making that matters.

Visual pasts have conventionally been composed as revelations and telling, cast into a framework of exposure, witnessing, and seeing.

But, more than simply making history visible, public historical practice works with an understanding of visuality, of histories produced through their own constitutive visual codes: through curatorship, scripting, dramaturgical devices, visual languages, the choreography of oral and literate traditions, spatial design, and ritual performance.

This is not only a history to be seen but a history whose meanings are made through visual construction. Inherent in the TRC hearings was their visualness.

A visual past was composed as revelations and tellings cast into a framework of exposure, witnessing, and seeing. To look directly through the window of the television screen, even momentarily, coded the hearings into an ocular field, as the basis for remaking the real world of apartheid.

Left with a context that things had gotten better after the end of apartheid, the visual rendering of a troubled past was offered by the TRC as a unique opportunity to find the truth about history.

This is the only way in which a public can become an actor. The political contests over who has the right to speak for whom are the inevitable result of the emergence of new communities that make claims on museums.

This is how publics are created. This is a critical citizenship in which expertise is decentered and relocated into the project and deliberately outside the academy.

Public history means engaging in practice. And from this practice, the historians are not simply there to teach and to research as if in the field.

Instead, they learn, they see, they connect, and they participate in the give and take of textual and visual knowledge, open to being surprised, and careful not to impose their academic rituals and methodologies.

Expert knowledge gets taken up, reformed, reduced, and narrowed and is never taken for granted.

Now this expertise is deployed for a new purpose as it gets accepted and included, as it becomes the basis of the heritage represented, for instance, in Heritage Impact Assessments.

In other instances it is questioned, rejected, and appropriated and redeployed. There is no one way trickle-down process, but rather multiple knowledge routes and journeys that can disrupt the conventions.

Usually represented as a moment for inclusion, recovery, and democratic rectification this temporal and conceptual marker has seen a number of fundamental transformations in the order of knowledge: from the academy to the public; from popular history to public history; from history-as-lesson to history-as-forum.

This is a book about the relationship between expertise and public knowledge and shows how the conventions of knowledge flows have been affirmed, utilized, contested, and subverted.

Simultaneously, we want to embark upon another journey to try and understand the agencies of image-making and memory production.

They were also not conduits for the reversal of amnesia. In writing about those histories of unsettlement in this book, we have sought to think about those methodologies of replacement and how the processes of unsettling confronted its limits.

When history as unsettling became one of accumulation, addition, and correction it settled back into its well-rehearsed temporalities.

But when the practices of history itself were laid bare, and the processes of history-making were called into question, the frames of public history generated possibilities to unsettle an always anticipated past.

We have mapped this narrative quite conventionally in a chronological sequence, staking claims along the way for and within history. This was part of the exaggerated claim that South African history had effectively been decolonized prior to The second chapter of this book, an extended version of an article that Minkley and Rassool wrote on oral history practice in South Africa, questions this position.

It is one of the great ironies in South African written history that it employed oral histories within a recuperative paradigm and mined oral communities for a set of literate facts.

Working on images of white settler nationalism that were created in the s and sustained for almost the next forty years, we sought to show how the figure of the commander of the Dutch East India Company revictualling station at the Cape of Good Hope between and , Jan van Riebeeck, became iconic.

In this present a settler history was created that had to exclude racialized pasts. Here a key point was that the oppositional images were mainly mirror images of the dominant ones and thus, almost inadvertently, helped to sustain them.

The thinking that derived from these pieces was brought to bear on our analysis of the ways that histories were emerging in museums and tourism narratives in the s.

We argued that there were few signs of a historical rupture. An anticipated postapartheid South African future for history was through inclusion largely articulated in racialized, class, and gendered categories.

The visit to the cultural locality was presented as a way to know oneself and to learn about the other and so become a nation.

Acts of visiting, looking, taking in and learning in tourist contemplation and celebration were encouraged as part of the process of nation-making.

Older museums have undergone refurbishments and about fifty new museums have been established in South Africa since In chapter 5 of this book, we turn to look at strategies that older museums used in order to re-create themselves and the tentative beginnings of new museums.

But this was not always the case and, as we elucidate in the book, there were several exhibitions that experimented with forms of representation that envisaged a more questioning and critical public citizenry.

A great deal of this was through rethinking visual strategies, and we highlight several of these methodologies, asserting that exhibition designers were in effect historians through their spatial productions of meanings and interpretations.

Much of this thinking on the making of the visual is presented by Minkley and Rassool in chapter 6 that is about the photographs of Leon Levson from the collection of the UWC-Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archive.

In this chapter, Minkley and Rassool are concerned with how these photographs had taken upon the aura of an unmediated, transparent truth of social conditions under apartheid.

They show instead how in their production and circulation over five or six decades, these photographs had been given meanings that indeed contradicted their framings in postapartheid exhibitions and the collection itself.

The image does not simply record a usage. The TRC was the threshold for the remembrance of apartheid, in the expanded sense of the gaze.

Envisaged as a means of making symbolic, rather than monetary, reparations to people whom the TRC determined to be victims of apartheid, these took the form of monuments, legacy projects, street renaming, memorial parks, museum exhibitions, and archival holdings.

Our article on the TRC published in an edited collection in the late s, when proposals for these various memorial projects were being tabled, considered the various methodologies and how they were being aligned with developing heritage practices.

Not only at the time were notions of racial reconciliation at the forefront of these heritage projects, but they were situated within a positivist view of history as objective, balanced, and factual.

It was through history as a mode of recovery that a memorial past was visualized as emerging from the workings and findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Such an approach reproduced both the add-on methodology that was evident in museums and treated history as a salvage operation that would contribute to restoring a racial equilibrium.

In chapter 7 we look at plans for these commemorations and suggest that the approach adopted left in place the very structures of race it sought to destabilize.

In the commemorations there was a reading back of racial categories as firm and ahistorical. Our chapter considers what it might have meant for the commemorations if the organizers had begun to think through the fluidity of race.

Written in the present tense, when the commemorations were beginning to take place, this chapter also points to our engagement as critical heritage practitioners seeking not merely to question prevailing discourses but to be actively involved in finding ways to open up routes to new public pasts.

Those operations were most evident in our work on and with museums that have the appellation of community institutions: the District Six and Lwandle Migrant Labour museums in Cape Town and the Cata Museum in the Eastern Cape.

Such strategies appeared as distinct from older museum classificatory, collecting, and display strategies that had relied on the aura of artefact.

Orality and visuality were utilized in these newer museums to constitute new subjects of history with voice and agency. The spectacle of presentation sustained claims to inclusivity within the bounds of national histories that were conceived of as new.

Academic disciplines were invoked on an extensive scale to author and authorize pasts as heritage. The imbrications of power set in place hierarchies of heritage production such that even when critical or dissonant views appeared they largely reproduced existing relations of knowledge.

More than anything this book is about the practices of history in the academy and in public spaces as both have been remade.

Most often it is cited in its shortened version that appeared in Negotiating the Past in , or else reference is made to an extended unpublished version that was initially presented at the conference of the International Oral History Association in New York in and then at the Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town in While Bickford-Smith et al.

Indeed we were at pains to elucidate its extent, substance, and worth and pointed to practices that we felt had pushed the envelope when coming to notions of orality, textuality, and the ways that translation, performance, and authority had been considered as part of how oral histories had been conceived and produced.

This points to the key argument that we made. Instead of seeing oral history as a methodology it was crucial to envisage it as a genre of historical production, a history itself.

Thus, instead of mining it as a source for facts and tales of experiences that could be evaluated much like any other source, it is important to understand the processes by which oral histories came to be made.

As we hear, see, imagine and empathize with others, we can contribute to altering attitudes, perceptions and policy.

Azwihangwisi Netshikulwe and Sizeka Mbewu interviewing Tom Kula, Lwandle Migrant Labour Museum, Hostel 33, 10 November Former hostel dweller, Tom Kula, Lwandle, 10 November Storyteller and guide, Joe Schaffers, District Six Museum, 8 April These separate events, on very different scales and in settings quite removed from each other, starkly raised the issues of the relationship between individual testimony, evidence, and historical memory and public history in newly emergent ways.

It was concerned to document these as part of the process of remaking collective memory of the past on an inclusive and national scale.

Built upon the deep layering of oral testimony as biography, it was concerned with the cultural and social meanings of memory and its pasts. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, on the other hand, was concerned with a politics of memory in which the past is uncovered for the purposes of political reconciliation in the present.

The two processes, though seemingly unrelated, are not quite as much at odds as they might seem. The Seed Is Mine publicly placed the social experience of black rural lives into a collective memory of cultural osmosis, interaction, and reconciliation.

The TRC dealt with the telling of individual memory that taken collectively aimed to achieve a similar outcome. Both raised a similar set of questions about how historical and personal memory have been, and largely continue to be, approached in South Africa.

Both the book and the official body rely primarily on personal memory to counter official and documentary black holes. This chapter begins by exploring the notion of submerged memory in South Africa.

Social historians have seen their work as characterized by the attempt to give voice to the experience of previously marginal groups and to recover the agency of ordinary people.

They were seen to be able to create an archive for the future and an alternative form of historical documentation.

We wish to raise questions about these claims and assertions in three ways: firstly in terms of the chronologies, periodizations, and narratives of social history; secondly in relation to the domination versus resistance model it has employed; and thirdly around the practices and processes of the authoring and translation of memory through oral text into history.

Our discussion of the translation of personal memory into collective remembering is broadened by looking at the uses of oral history in the story of Kas Maine.

We do this from the experiences and insights generated within oral history projects in the Western Cape after the heady years of confrontation and resistance in the s.

Finally we return to the TRC and, in particular, its media representations in order to extend an argument about the limits of social history and its problematic translations into constituting new publics.

At the center of these historiographical turns, oral historical practice was seen as having pride of place in the generation of histories that sought authentic voices, attempted to recover the agency of ordinary people, and saw itself as infusing popular discourses into South African history.

Much of this work had been generated through the institutional efforts of the History Workshop at the University of the Witwatersrand, located in the industrial heartland of South Africa, the hub of a resurgent labor movement in the s and s.

This had taken place, La Hausse argued, in a number of identifiable settings, ranging from the Institute of African Studies at Wits University, to the South African Institute of Race Relations, the Natal Worker History Project, and the Cape Town Oral History project.

In a society where interviewing can be potentially hazardous for both interviewer and informant, the conditions under which interviews are being conducted are seldom indicated in research.

Rather, the resultant translation of words into things guts the facts narrated from the narrative web in which they are embedded or enmeshed while presenting them as unrehearsed speech, as authentic, immediate, and real experience.

It was responsible for the production of three popular histories, written by Luli Callinicos, 17 as well as a series of articles for the weekly newspaper New Nation, published later as a collection, New Nation, New History.

Through a connection with the American Social History Project, it also explored other media forms for historical production, and this resulted in a slide-tape production on squatter movements in Soweto, called Fight Where We Stand.

The History Workshop was also responsible for the production of a six-part documentary entitled Soweto: A History.

While Fight Where We Stand used actual transcripts, it consisted of the motionless images and projected voices of actors.

The video series consisted of a series of extracts from interviews with participants who conveyed their personal experiences. South African engagement with social history in the s had taken the form of two unfolding narratives, one academic, based on culturalist notions of class and consciousness, and the other, popular, located within the cultural politics of nationalism.

These were parallel and compatible resistance narratives that mirrored a debate on the left around unions, communities, and politics. The compatibility of these narratives was demonstrated by the publication of Write Your Own History, written by Leslie Witz and produced in under the auspices of the History Workshop and SACHED, perhaps the leading service organization involved in alternative education at the time.

In its presentation and construction of a relationship and dialogue between critical history and political activism, it promoted history as process.

Bringing the two resistance narratives together, the book relied on constructing identities through the mobilization of an implicit politics of memory that assumed fixed practices of oral signification.

Collective memories were analogous to the remembrances of individuals, linked by the group experiences of race and class in communities and shared by the ideal memory and identity of these individuals.

Multiple individual voices equalled collective memory and represented collective identity. Furthermore, both tend to consider oral history in a rather utilitarian way as lesson, as source, as authentic voice.

Speaking Back From the early s, oral history conceived as a democratic practice of social and popular history in South Africa began to come under stress.

What was called into question were claims of its decolonization and its assumption of inherent radicalism and transformatory intent, in both method and content, predicated on its apparent access to the consciousness of experience.

In particular the work of Carolyn Hamilton and Isabel Hofmeyr stand out in this regard. The challenge was both theoretical and methodological. It must be said that this was not happening on a wide scale.

Some of what we are identifying occurred momentarily, and to refer to these as major new trends may be too strong. But the questions that were asked here, and elsewhere, are pivotal, and the challenges posed require wider discussion and consideration for the theory and practice of oral history in South Africa.

The major research areas of the social history approach in South Africa continued to be the primary focus in the Western Cape as well.

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Source: Pinterest To date, D'Orsay has appeared in numerous tv shows and movies. Brooke D'Orsay Canadian Actress 6teen. Ich denke, dass Sie sich irren.

Geben Sie wir werden besprechen. Traders, nomadic herders, and invaders all easily overcame the few natural barriers around the Fertile Crescent.

Carter G. Woodson, who started this celebration of black history and culture. It started by Dr. Woodson in as a way to focus on the contributions of blacks in both American and world history.

Woodson was born in New Canton, VA in He was part of a. History of Globablization 1 1. Globalization basically means that the world is slowly becoming one, instead of divided lands.

Most people think that globalization has to do with just business influences. Basically, globalization is where goods and services are produced in one part of the world but eventually shared on an international level.

The history of globalization started a. The History of Homecoming Every year thousands of alumni, parents, students and family come back to the University of Arizona for Homecoming.

Homecoming consists of class reunions, a football game, dinners, parades and many other celebrations. Homecoming is for all the colleges and departments at the University of Arizona.

Homecoming has been a tradition of U of A for almost 92 years now. This annual event has plenty of history behind it which contributes to.

An orchestra is an organized body of bowed string instruments, with more than one player to a part, to which may be added wind and percussion instruments.

In the Greek theater the term denoted the semi-circular space in front of the stage where the chorus sang and danced; in the Roman theater is was reserved for the Senators' seats, Throughout the years the size and strength of orchestras across the world have varied.

In the midth. The Ebola Virus History of, Occurrences, and Effects of Ebola, a virus which acquires its name from the Ebola River located in Zaire, Africa , first emerged in September , when it erupted simultaneously in 55 villages near the headwaters of the river.

It seemed to come out of nowhere, and resulted in the deaths of nine out of every ten victims. Although it originated over 20 years ago, it still remains as a fear among.

To end the celebration of the 50 years of the LEGO brick, here are the best sets in history. From the most significant to the most amazing and complex, from the late '70s to today.

We can't get ourselves to pick. The author who wrote this book Mr. Stephen Hawking is regarded as the most brilliant theoretical physicistt science Einstein.

Stephen wrote this book explaining different theories that earlier scientists, philosphers and astronomers had about the univerise.

Why does it iexist? How the universe was created and where is it taking us? Some of the theories he wrote about discussed. The History of Human Resource Management Human resource management is the strategic and coherent approach to the management of an organization's most valued assets - the people working there who individually and collectively contribute to the achievement of the objectives of the business.

The terms "human resource management" and "human resources" HR have largely replaced the term "personnel management" as a description of the processes involved in managing people in organizations.

Human Resource management is. Interethnic Marriages in Los Angeles, Social Forces 42, Burke, J. Diabetes Care, 24 9 , Burma, John H. Spanish Speaking Groups in the United States.

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Chicana Traditions: Continuity and Change. Chicago: U of Illinois Press. Cao, K. Analysis of the frequencies of HLA-A, B, and C alleles and haplotypes in the five major ethnic groups of the United States reveals high levels of diversity in these loci and contrasting distribution patterns in these populations.

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Frequent use of lubricants for anal sex among men who have sex with men: the HIV prevention potential of a microbicidal gel. American Journal of Public Health, 90 7 , The End of Medicine.

Preface by Ivan Illich. New York: Wiley. Carr, J. Good Eds. Carrasco, David. Colorado: University of Colorado Press.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Religions of Mesoamerica: Cosmovision and Ceremonial Centers. San Francisco: Harper and Row.

Mexican-American folk medicine: A descriptive study of the different curanderismo techniques practiced by curanderos and used by Patients in Laredo, Texas Area.

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Hispanic masculinity: Myth or psychological schema meriting clinical consideration. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 16, Casey, Edward S.

Berkeley: U of California Press. Cash, Marie Romero. Cassidy, C. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 6, Caso, Alfonso. The Aztecs, People of the Sun.

Lowell Dunham, Trans. Casper, E. Fifteen Cases of Embrujada [Bewitched]. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 27, Cassatta, Donald M.

Dissertation, University of Minnesota. Traditionalism, modernism, and ethnicity. Martinez Ed. New York: Ballantine.

New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc. Journey to Ixtlan: The lessons of Don Juan. Tales of Power. New York: Pocket Books, Inc.

The Second Ring of Power. Castiglioni, A. Encantamiento y Magia. Fondo de Cultura Economica, Mexico. Castiglioni, Arturo. Magic Plants in Primitive Medicine.

Cibg Symposia, 5, Castillo, Ana Ed. Goddess of the Americas: Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe. New York: Riverhead Books.

Castillo, Ana. Massacre of the Dreamers: Essays Xicanisma. Castro, F. The health beliefs of Mexican American and Anglo American women. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 6, Castellanos, M.

Academic success among Mexican-American women in a community college. Dissertation Abstracts International, 54, Castro, A.

Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 18, Catalano, R. The Health Effects of Economic Stability. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 24, Caudle, P.

Providing culturally sensitive health care to Hispanic clients. Nurse Practitioner, 18 12 , Cervantes, J. Spirituality and family dynamics in psychotherapy with Latino children.

Koss-Chioino Eds. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Cheney, Jim. In Lewis P. Hinchman Eds. Centers for Disease Control Deaths and death rates for the 10 leading causes of death in specified age groups, by sex and Hispanic origin and race for non-Hispanic population: United States, [Electronic data file].

National vital statistics report, 47 19 , Table 9. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Monteiro Ed. Hypertension among Mexican Americans: United States, and JAMA, , On the auspices of female migration from Mexico to the United States.

Demography, 38 2 , Champion, J. Protective and risk behaviors of rural minority adolescent women. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 23 3 , Chandler, Charles R.

Sociology and Social Review, 58 3 , Human Organization, 38 2 , Chavez, Ignacio. Chavez, L. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 15 2.

Cheney, C. Lay healing and mental health in the MexicanAmerican barrio. Chesney, A. Mexican-American folk medicine: Implications for the family physician.

The Journal of Family Practice, 11 4 , Chiapella, A. Renal failure among male Hispanics in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 85 7 , Chidester, David.

Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Minority women with sexually transmitted diseases: sexual abuse and risk for pelvic inflammatory disease.

Sexual abuse and sexual risk behaviors of minority women with sexually transmitted diseases. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 23 3 , Cherpitel, C.

A comparison of substance use and injury among Mexican American emergency room patients in the United States and Mexicans in Mexico. Chessick, R. Psychology of the Self and the Treatment of Narcissism.

New Jersey: Jason Aronson, Inc. Chinas, B. Cho, S. Blood pressure and sexual maturity in adolescents: the Heartfelt Study.

American Journal of Human Biology, 13 2 , Chohayeb, A. Oral health status of Asian and Hispanic women. A pilot study. New York State Dental Journal, 68 1 , Chopra, Deepak.

The Seven Spiritual Laws of Success. Christmas, C. How common is hip pain among older adults? Journal of Family Practice, 51 4 , Cisneros, Sandra.

Woman Hollering Creek and Other Stories. New York: Random House. Clark, M. Health in the Mexican-American culture: A community study.

Clark, L. La Familia: methodological issues in the assessment of perinatal social support for Mexicanas living in the United States.

Western Journal of Nursing Research, 24 2 , Clark, Margaret. Clements, F. Primitive concepts of disease. Cloninger, C. R, Martin, R.

A prospective follow-up and family study of somatization in men and women. Cobb, Beatrix. Why do People Detour to Quacks? In Jaco E. Gartley Ed.

Cockey, C. On the edge: Undiagnosed diabetes and related eye disease in Mexican Americans. Cohen, B. The willingness to seek help: A crossnational comparison.

Cross-cultural research, 32 4 , Cole, S. Ethnicity, 3 2 , Coleman, K. Promoting stair use in a US-Mexico border community. American Journal of Public Health, 91 12 , Colin, B.

Ethnic differences in the association between body mass index and hypertension. Collins, E. Do We Really Advise the Patient?

Journal of the Florida Medical Association, 42, Differing postneonatal mortality rates of Mexican-American infants with United-States-born and Mexico-born mothers in Chicago.

Collins, M. Journal of Urology, 5 , Collins, T. Lower extremity nontraumatic amputation among veterans with peripheral arterial disease: is race an independent factor?

Medical Care, 40 1:Suppl , Comas-Diaz, L. Puerto Rican espiritismo and psychotherapy. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 51 4 , Comas, Juan.

La Medicina Aborigen Mexicana. Anales de Anthorpologia. Mexico: UNAM. Congress, E. Cultural differences in health beliefs: Implications for social work practice in health care settings.

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Unpublished Ph. Dissertation, Boston University. Fonapas, Mexico. Cosminsky, S. Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 4, Cotunga, N. Nutrition, cancer prevention knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and practices: The national health interview survey.

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Tunstall, Beverly Cleary 32 ebooks Collection PDF MOBI EPUB pollpit. Beverly Cleary 32 ebooks Collection PDF MOBI EPUB pollpit. Jane Steinberg Jeffrey D.

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